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Politics : Libertarian Discussion Forum -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Road Walker who wrote (9823)6/13/2014 6:34:40 AM
From: ig  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 13056
 
Privatization of water utilities is a losing proposition for Libertarians. The principled Libertarian remedy to poor service is to let free market competition do its thing. But in the case of a water utility, there's no way to let several competitors build parallel utilities and let consumers take their pick.

There are problems to which privatization is the solution. Water utilities isn't one of them.



To: Road Walker who wrote (9823)6/14/2014 10:35:00 AM
From: TimF  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13056
 
The fact that they can choose not to renew is a big benefit of privatization. A government entity is more likely to keep the job even with poor performance.

In this particular situation the benefit is later and less certain that it would normally be. 10 year contracts, monopoly ownership of the local facilities, with people stuck with the poor performer for now even with non-renewal. Its not really a competitive market, not even as much as can be the case with many other services contracted out by government, let alone most non-government controlled markets.

Competitive market or not many other private water companies do a pretty good job. They tend to charge more, but many government organizations supplying water don't have the funds to invest in necessary maintenance and upgrades and would have to charge more anyway (either directly charging those they provide water to, or charge through taxes receiving some government subsidy).

Apparently in the UK there is a private component to almost all of their water supply. And it seems to work pretty well
  • Drinking water quality, as measured by the compliance with iron levels and coliform bacteria in service reservoirs, has improved substantially from 1996 to 2010. [5]
  • Network pressure has improved substantially: The share or "properties at risk of low pressure" declined from 1.33% in 1990-95 0.01% in 2009-10. [6]
  • Supply interruptions have declined: The share of properties subject to unplanned supply interruptions of 12 hours or more declined from 0.33% to 0.06% during the same period. [6]
  • The number of written complaints not responded to within ten working days has declined from 21% to less than 1%. [6]
  • leakage has been reduced from 5,112 megaliters per day in 1994-95 to less than 3,281 megaliters per day in 2009-10 (the measuring method of two companies has changed over the period, so the actual reduction is even higher) [7]
en.wikipedia.org

Privitization seems to have worked pretty well in Argentina as well

Abstract:Increasing access to safe drinking water and reducing child mortality constitute crucial
needs for most developing countries around the world. There is little consensus, however, on how
to achieve these goals. One important issue under discussion is whether to increase the
participation of the private sector in water provision. Since clean water and sewage treatment are
critical to control the spread of infectious and parasitic diseases; access, quality, and tariff
changes associated to privatization may affect health outcomes. In the 1990s Argentina embarked
on one of the largest privatization campaigns in the world as part of a structural reform plan. The
program included the privatization of local water companies covering approximately 30 percent
of the country’s municipalities. Using the variation in ownership of water provision across time
and space generated by the privatization process, we find that child mortality fell 5 to 7 percent in
areas that privatized their water services overall; and that the effect was largest (24 percent) in the
poorest areas. We check the robustness of these estimates using cause specific mortality. While
privatization is associated with significant reductions in deaths from infectious and parasitic
diseases, it was uncorrelated with deaths from causes unrelated to water conditions.

iadb.org

The few econometric studies that have looked at the impact of PPP
projects on the quality of water delivered to customers all point to a clear
positive impact. Andrés, Guasch, and others (2008) found that water potability in Latin America improved significantly with the introduction of a
private operator, in both the transition and the post-transition periods. In
Colombia, using household and public health surveys, both Barrera and
Olivera (2007) and Gomez-Lobo and Melendez (2007) found that PPP projects tended to achieve better potability figures than did public water utilities.
In Argentina, Galiani, Gertler, and Schargrodsky (2005) found that the child
mortality rate fell in areas served by private operators.
The few data available in Latin America come from Argentina. Buenos
Aires is one of the rare PPP projects for which reliable data are available on
the yearly evolution of water potability for three key potability parameters
(turbidity, chlorine, and bacteriology). As for access and service continuity, the concessionaire performed well in early years. Before the concession
began operating, only half of the water samples in Buenos Aires complied
with turbidity standards, one-third had insufficient chlorine, and almost
10 percent tested positive for fecal contamination. An overall compliance
rate of more than 99 percent was achieved by the fourth year of private
operation. However, Ducci (2007) reports that problems with water quality
compliance started to occur after 2002 in Buenos Aires and also in the Santa
Fe province concession. In Salta, the concessionaire has achieved gradual
and consistent improvement in overall water potability in the various systems it has been operating in the province since 1998 (Yepes 2007).
In Manila (the Philippines), significant improvements were achieved by
both concessionaires after they took over from public management. In four
years (1996–2000), the level of potability compliance went up from about
96 percent to almost 100 percent, after a more stringent system of water
quality monitoring was put in place under the control of the regulator. These
improvements were sustained in later years, even in the Western zone, despite
the concession going gradually into bankruptcy. Potability compliance in
both concessions has averaged about 99 percent for the past seven years.
Positive performance was also registered for several PPPs in Western
Africa. In Senegal and Niger, the improvement in water potability broadly
followed the progress with service continuity. Potability compliance
in Dakar went up from 95 percent in 1997 to 98 percent by 2001, and in
Niamey it went from 96 percent to 98 percent in the first four years. In
Gabon, potability also improved after the start of the concession, with the
75 Performance and Impact of Water PPP Projects
average turbidity index in Libreville falling from 2.5 to below 1.0. Finally,
the population in Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) has enjoyed safe tap water for
decades, a notable exception in the subregion.

ppiaf.org



To: Road Walker who wrote (9823)10/14/2017 5:12:58 PM
From: TimF  Respond to of 13056
 
Sky Views: Jeremy Corbyn's water vow could be costly
Ian King, Sky News Business Presenter

The water industry is under siege. According to research by the Legatum Institute think-tank, 83% of the public support Jeremy Corbyn's pledge to renationalise the water and sewerage companies privatised 28 years ago.

Even the Financial Times, which sees itself as a critical friend of business, has just run a series of attacks on the industry so splenetic one could be forgiven for thinking Thames Water had flooded the FT editor's cellar with effluent.

It accused the industry of 'ripping-off' customers.

There are, however, many reasons why renationalisation would be a waste of time and money.

First, it is worth recalling why the industry in England and Wales - it remains state-owned in Scotland and Northern Ireland - was privatised in the first place.

It was because the government of the day could see a looming need for huge investment, mainly to comply with European regulations, largely to impose higher environmental standards for Britain's rivers and coastlines and on drinking water quality.

Moreover, having been built by the Victorians a century earlier, many water mains in Britain's towns and cities needed replacing.

Leaks were commonplace and drinking water quality was being compromised by lead pipes. Remedying that would also require vast sums.

And it was essential to bring in private capital. The government could not carry out this investment on its own because there are always so many different demands on the public purse.

Just ask veterans of the old British Rail in its days as a nationalised company.

Frequently, government funding for new rolling stock or station refurbishments was promised, only to be taken away whenever, for example, there was an emergency call on that cash from the National Health Service.

The same was true of the water industry. The 1970s and 1980s saw the sector regularly deprived of funding, under both Labour and Conservative governments, due to tight public finances.

Standards of drinking water fell sharply in some places. River pollution rose. Vast amounts of water leaked from the old pipelines - in Liverpool, for example, half of all water was lost before ever reaching customers.

Stories of double-decker buses tumbling into collapsed sewers became a stock favourite of local newspapers. And, most scandalous of all, new infrastructure went unbuilt.

The nadir came when, during the drought of 1976, millions of people in Yorkshire, Wales, the Midlands, East Anglia, Devon and Cornwall had their household water supply cut off due to shortages and were forced instead to queue in the street for water from standpipes.

Privatisation enabled investment. More than £130bn has been ploughed into the industry since 1989 - a sum unimaginable under state ownership - and standards have shot up.

There have been plenty of long, hot summers since but, thanks to investment in new reservoirs and pipes, households have not had to endure their supply being cut off as they did in 1976.

The worst households have suffered is the odd hosepipe ban.

It is often claimed finance is an obstacle to nationalisation because the government could not afford to compensate investors.

That is not strictly true because, while the state would be compensating investors, it would be getting an asset in return.

The question is whether the asset could generate value for taxpayers. That would be unlikely if a nationalised water industry was forced by ministers to supply water and sewerage services on uneconomic terms.

It is also doubtful, given past experience, whether in future the state could invest as much in such services as the private sector has done since 1989.

And, given how the public sector already struggles to attract managerial talent from the private sector, there must also be a question as to whether the industry would be as well run as at present.

Nor is it the case that water customers have been ripped-off since privatisation.

Household bills have fallen in real terms in at least two of the five-year regulatory periods since privatisation in spite of the vast sums invested and will rise by less than inflation during the current five year period.

Regulator Ofwat says that had the industry stayed nationalised and investment continued on a pay-as-you-go basis, water bills would be at least 25% higher than at present.

Moreover, the service provided by water and sewerage companies, post-privatisation, is great value. The average annual household water and sewerage bill in 2017-18 will be £395.

That's £1.08 per day to supply a household all the water it needs and to take away and decontaminate dirty bath, washing and toilet water. Put that in context.

Even the most efficient modern toilets use six litres of water per flush. Six litres of the cheapest bottled water available on Tesco's website last night cost £1.02.

Complaints about the water industry, meanwhile, are at an all-time low and, according to the independent water consumer watchdog, satisfaction with the industry is at record levels.

If there ever was a time when water customers were ripped-off it was when water was state-owned and millions of households were sometimes paying for a service that had been cut off.

It's also easy to imagine, if water were renationalised, how costs in the industry might rise - and, by extension, household bills - if water unions won national pay-bargaining rights of the kind they enjoyed under state ownership.

It's certainly unlikely that, under state ownership, bills would fall.

For example, in 1985 - several years before privatisation - ministers imposed a 10% increase in charges, despite companies like Thames Water arguing they could get by with a rise of just 3%.

A cash-strapped government could easily do something similar in future if it needed money elsewhere.

Apart from all the new infrastructure and vast improvements in environmental standards, privatisation has delivered other gains.

Since April this year, 5.4m businesses have been able to switch supplier, something an average of 12,000 have done every month since - while others have used the arrival of competition to renegotiate terms with their existing water supplier.

Competition is forcing down prices and driving up innovation, benefiting the UK's biggest water consumers, which has to be good for everyone.

Eventually, thanks to innovation in billing technology, households may also benefit from this.

Water privatisation has delivered in spades for consumers and businesses - reversing it would be costly for consumers and would damage investment.

news.sky.com