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To: Elroy Jetson who wrote (1991)3/3/2019 6:15:48 AM
From: elmatador  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13784
 
How Huawei lost its PR battle in the west

Foreign advisers say they were ignored and undermined by Chinese management

Non-Chinese advisers say Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei's assertive tone is the wrong message at the wrong time

Kathrin Hille in Taipei FEBRUARY 21, 2019

It has been almost a year since William Plummer lost his job as the head of Huawei’s US public and government relations department.

But it is impossible for him not to get fired up as he sees how the Chinese telecoms company has been dragged into a morass of suspicion by US accusations that it is a security risk and a thief of commercial secrets.

In particular, Mr Plummer has been agonising over Huawei’s handling of the crisis.

Earlier this week, Ren Zhengfei, the company’s founder, hit back at the allegations in two television interviews. He told the BBC that the US would not be able to “crush” Huawei, adding: “If the lights go out in the west, the east will still shine. […] America doesn’t represent the world.”

For Mr Ren, a reclusive former Chinese army engineer who very rarely gives interviews, the public comments were the latest step in Huawei’s counteroffensive against an onslaught that threatens to damage its global business.

The interview came ahead of Mobile World Congress, the telecom industry’s biggest annual trade show where the Chinese company has outshone rivals for years with enormous displays of its technological prowess and armies of marketing staff.

For Mr Plummer, and other non-Chinese who have advised Huawei on its public relations strategy, however, Mr Ren’s assertive tone is the wrong message at the wrong time. “Five years ago would have been the time to do it. I’m not sure that being confrontational now is a good idea,” he said.

William Plummer: 'There was always a fundamental lack of trust in non-Chinese. You offer guidance, and are regularly second-guessed' © Bloomberg

President Donald Trump is expected to sign an executive order barring US carriers from buying Huawei gear ahead of MWC, although the move would change little in practice: government pressure on American carriers not to buy from Huawei and moves to derail investments by the Chinese group in US companies has ensured that an 18-year-long quest to break into America has largely gone nowhere.

But Washington is also pressuring allies to shut Huawei out of their markets for security reasons and is going after the company with criminal charges that could land Meng Wanzhou, chief financial officer and Mr Ren’s daughter, in jail. She is under house arrest in Canada, after US authorities filed an extradition request over allegations that the company violated sanctions against Iran. The company and Ms Meng deny the charges.

“This rolling thunder holy jihad they have been on over the past year makes it impossible for any government relations person to do a meaningful job,” said a senior executive at a lobbying firm that worked for Huawei until last year. “Things are made worse by Huawei themselves — the best you get is crisis management but there has never been a consistent, strategic approach to managing their image.”

It was not for lack of advice, according to several PR specialists who have worked with the company.

We will continue to let facts speak for themselves but strive to better explain what we are doing to connect people and improve technology Huawei spokesperson

From the 1990s, Huawei enlisted some of the most illustrious western consultants: IBM to help modernise management; Bain Capital as a partner for US acquisitions; and the Cohen Group, an advisory founded by former secretary of defence William Cohen, to help deal with US government security concerns. It also employed a vast array of global PR companies from Ogilvy to Edelman to BCW.

But at crucial moments, the company did not heed their advice and even outmanoeuvred the consultants it had hired, according to former executives and external consultants. “There was always a fundamental lack of trust in non-Chinese. You offer guidance, and are regularly second-guessed,” Mr Plummer said.

Two external consultants who worked for Huawei in the US and one American government official said a move by management to set up a lobbying outfit in the US in 2009 without consulting its experts on the ground did immense damage.

The company, which was vying for contracts to upgrade US telecom operator Sprint’s mobile network, offered to deliver its products through an independent third party which would probe its software and hardware for security flaws and hold Huawei’s source code, the key software component, in an attempt to offer more transparency.

At the same time, however, Cohen Group was discussing with the Director of National Intelligence to use such mechanisms for trusted delivery of Huawei gear that would assuage US security concerns. When Huawei announced its own structure instead — a company called Amerilink, which would be led by William Owens, a former vice-chairman of the US Chiefs of Staff — that potential deal fell apart over concerns that the new entity was not sufficiently independent.

“There was a chance to build trust, but when Huawei made that sudden move, it was perceived like they had decided to go for window-dressing instead, and they destroyed all trust,” said a person familiar with the Cohen Group’s talks.

Such incidents are not an exception. In a book published last September, Mr Plummer described how senior local staff in foreign markets are regularly excluded from key decisions. At the same time, Chinese executives are constantly second-guessing senior management in local markets out of fear of Mr Ren, injecting confusion into the company’s handling of PR and lobbying abroad.

Mr Plummer also wrote that his warning of how to deal with allegations that the company and Ms Meng had violated US sanctions against Iran were ignored.

“I received no response or reaction to the concerns I expressed and was effectively iced out of the loop,” he wrote, adding that he “had touched on topics that were off-limits”.

The deep divide between Chinese and foreign staff, corroborated by employees in five countries, was not coincidental. In internal meetings, Mr Ren advises staff to represent the company in different terms in China and abroad.

“The core of public relations is the truth, and we therefore must convey the truth at all times. Correctly define Huawei’s identity and ‘who we are’,” the company founder told executives in 2014, according to Mr Plummer and current and former Huawei executives. “In China, state that Huawei strongly supports the Communist Party of China. Outside China, stress that Huawei always follows key international trends.”

Huawei said it was not aware of Mr Ren having said this.

During the current geopolitical stand-off between the US and China, this chasm between the company’s inner workings and the image it is trying to project in the west has only grown wider. A local executive at Huawei in a European country said China’s increasing power and the growth of Chinese companies had bred arrogance and at times aggression among Chinese, including Huawei staff.

Look to TJ ! He started believing China propaganda! Lost contact with reality. TJ now lives dellusions of grandeur!

Huawei said the low profile it had kept in the past had lent credence to the perception that it was secretive. “We will continue to let facts speak for themselves but strive to better explain what we are doing to connect people and improve technology,” a spokesperson said.

In a recent meeting with German journalists, Eric Xu, one of Huawei’s rotating chief executives, explained: “Our PR department is asking Huawei executives to speak up about who we really are and what we do. So here we are, even though we are not sure whether this can really work or not.”

But for Mr Plummer, it may now be too late for Huawei to rescue the situation.

“Cut a deal, perhaps buy a pillow factory in Detroit, go to Cfius and sign a national security agreement that would give the US government remarkable visibility inside the company, allow them to name members to an independent board in the US etc,” he said, as suggestions for Huawei’s executives.

“If you get the US boot off Huawei’s neck, all these other markets would be fine. [But] I don’t know if it’s even possible any more.”

Huawei is FUBAR. Fucked Up Beyond All Repair



To: Elroy Jetson who wrote (1991)3/3/2019 11:02:22 AM
From: elmatador  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13784
 
Behind San Francisco’s gleaming office towers packed with tech workers, city assessors are struggling to manage with software that predates “WarGames” and “Tron.”America’s Cities Are Running on Software From the ’80s

Even San Francisco’s tech chops can’t save it from relying on computers that belong in a museum.


By Romy Varghese

February 28, 2019, 2:00 PM GMT+3
The only place in San Francisco still pricing real estate like it’s the 1980s is the city assessor’s office. Its property tax system dates back to the dawn of the floppy disk. City employees appraising the market work with software that runs on a dead programming language and can’t be used with a mouse. Assessors are prone to make mistakes when using the vintage software because it can’t display all the basic information for a given property on one screen. The staffers have to open and exit several menus to input stuff as simple as addresses. To put it mildly, the setup “doesn’t reflect business needs now,” says the city’s assessor, Carmen Chu.

San Francisco rarely conjures images of creaky, decades-old technology, but that’s what’s running a key swath of its government, as well as those of cities across the U.S. Politicians can often score relatively easy wins with constituents by borrowing money to pay for new roads and bridges, but the digital equivalents of such infrastructure projects generally don’t draw the same enthusiasm. “Modernizing technology is not a top issue that typically comes to mind when you talk to taxpayers and constituents on the street,” Chu says. It took her office almost four years to secure $36 million for updated assessors’ hardware and software that can, among other things, give priority to cases in which delays may prove costly. The design requirements are due to be finalized this summer.

For local officials throughout the country, the shift from old-school servers to rented cloud storage has made it tougher than ever to fund upgrades. They can budget physical equipment as capital expenses, meaning they could issue bonds to pay for them. But cloud computing is a service, as the people selling it love to say, which means officials have to pay for it with operating funds—the same pool of money that goes toward addressing more tangible demands, such as parks and cops. The deliberate pace of government compounds the problem of strained resources, says Marc Pfeiffer, a former New Jersey official who now advises municipalities on managing technology as part of Rutgers University’s Bloustein Local Government Research Center.

“We’re dealing with an irrational public who wants greater and greater service delivery”

Businesses have started to see municipal woes as opportunities. Salesforce.com Inc., a maker of cloud-based applications that are being put to work on the assessor’s office project in the company’s hometown of San Francisco, has focused more on government solutions in the past five years. During an earnings callin August, co-Chief Executive Officer Keith Block called the public sector “one of our strongest verticals.” But cities and states are continuing to plow money into maintaining legacy systems, because they still work. Upgrades are difficult to start—and to finish—and attracting new skilled workers is expensive.

The impetus for change is often public outcry over a crisis, such as the chaotic 2009 crash of a disco-era computer system regulating traffic signals in Montgomery County, Md., or the cyberattacks that brought Atlanta’s government to a standstill last March. And promises to improve are no guarantee of success: Minnesota spent about a decade and $100 million to replace its ancient vehicle-licensing and registration software, but the new version arrived with so many glitches in 2017 that Governor Tim Walz has asked for an additional $16 million to fix it.

Of course, improvements cost money that constituents don’t always want to pay. “We’re dealing with an irrational public who wants greater and greater service delivery at the same time they want their taxes to be lower,” says Alan Shark, executive director of the Public Technology Institute, an association for municipal tech officials.

In San Francisco the assessor uses a Cobol-based system called AS-400, whose welcome screen reads, “COPYRIGHT IBM CORP., 1980, 2009.” As the city tax rolls jumped 22 percent over two years, workers were struggling to keep track of the changes on their ancient systems. At one point they fell three years behind. It’s a “lot of manual work” just to perform basic functions, Chu says.

Searches that should seem simple take much longer because of the system’s quirks. If a resident contacts the agency saying her house should have a different assessed value, a worker has to look up the block and identification number that’s technically taxed; there’s no way to filter by address. Also, all street numbers need to have four digits, so 301 Grove St. becomes 0301 Grove St. Another problem: The system doesn’t flag data entry mistakes, such as if a worker misidentified 301 Grove St. as 0031 Grove St. An employee giving a homeowner a tax exemption can cause the break to be revoked the next year by entering a single wrong digit on a different screen. It would take a complaint by the overcharged resident to bring the error to light.

It’s taking what seems like forever to drag Chu’s office into the present century. After a bidding process, San Francisco awarded contracts in November to Sapient Corp. and Carahsoft Technology Corp., which provides the Salesforce software licenses. The new system, slated for completion in 2022, needs to address problems that can’t be solved in the App Store. Although tech companies like to fancy themselves altruists and world changers, Chu says they “have not really focused on solving the mundane problems of basic core government functions.” Private developers have created an app that lets people report poop on San Francisco streets. (It’s called Snapcrap. Yes, really.) Designing something to help the city pay for the cleanup? Different story.

Chicken Wire and Duct TapeMunicipal offices across the country are struggling to do their jobs with obsolete gear that can often be expensive and time-consuming to replace

BaltimorePolice department
Issue: The system for storing and tracking crime reports is more than 20 years old, doesn’t comply with the national incident reporting system, and can’t link to other databases.
Upgrade cost: $4 million

Broome County, N.Y.Office of emergency services
Issue: Twelve different radio systems with portions dating to the 1970s prevent units from talking to one another.
Cost: $23 million

Dallas CountyCourts
Issue: Case-tracking software to replace the Texas county’s outdated programs began development in 2012 but has faced repeated delays, leaving judges stuck with inefficient systems.
Cost: More than $30 million

Lawton, Okla.Municipal court
Issue: A 1980s system for court records relies on typewriters. New software would ease the workload and reduce errors from having to repeatedly enter information.
Cost: $400,000

New JerseyNJ Transit
Issue: The nation’s second-biggest commuter railroaduses paper forms to procure its equipment and supplies. It wants a central, digital inventory.
Cost: Unknown

PhiladelphiaStreets department
Issue: Control systems for most of the city’s 3,000 traffic signals date to the 1960s and make it harder for the department to manage congestion.
Cost (per intersection): $175,000 to $735,000

BOTTOM LINE - Behind San Francisco’s gleaming office towers packed with tech workers, city assessors are struggling to manage with software that predates “WarGames” and “Tron.”