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To: Douglas V. Fant who wrote (211)1/25/1998 10:12:00 AM
From: Zeev Hed  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 708
 
Doug I would be interested in your comments on the following:

The following is intended for private use only and cannot be construed as commerical
use.

(C) the International Herald Tribune,
Saturday, January 17, 1998

An Active French Role in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By William Pfaff Los Angeles Times Syndicate, International Herald Tribune
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
PARIS - The rumors were right. A devastating series of articles just published in the
Paris newspaper Le Figaro by its Africa specialist, Patrick de Saint-Exup‚ry,
documents French official implication in the genocide committed in Rwanda in 1994.

Le Figaro quotes aid workers, officials and soldiers, together with evidence acquired
by the United Nations in Rwanda and by a comprehensive Belgian parliamentary
investigation whose damning results were published last month.

The newspaper says French forces took an active but secret part in fighting rebel Tutsi
infiltration of Rwanda from 1992 forward, operating at front-line level. They were
present during the 1994 genocide, and did not intervene. They helped the authors of
genocide to escape.

The Tutsi invasion of Rwanda began in 1990, launched from English-speaking Uganda
and supported by the Ugandan government. It was an attempt by this ethnic minority
(some 10 percent of the Rwandan population) to reconquer a country they had ruled
for the better part of the last two centuries. Most Tutsi leaders had been driven into
exile in the 1960s and 1970s.

The Hutu numerical predominance in Rwanda and presumed democratic legitimacy are
why France originally backed them against the invaders. But France was also
motivated by what Mr. de Saint-Exup‚ry calls the ''Fashoda syndrome'' - President
Fran‡ois Mitterrand's conviction that the Tutsi invasion was part of an effort by the
United States to end French influence in Africa.

(In 1898, France and Britain came close to war over control of the upper Nile region
when French and British expeditions confronted one another at the town of Fashoda,
in what now is southern Sudan.)

Murders of Tutsi civilians began in early 1992. Belgian intelligence reported the
existence of a secret Hutu government command charged with ''exterminating the Tutsi
of Rwanda ... in order to make a final solution to the ethnic problem, and also to crush
the (moderate) Hutu political opposition.''

Western ambassadors made a joint protest to the Rwandan government in 1992 about
the killings. The French ambassador refused to take part, saying the reports of mass
murder were ''only rumors.''

At roughly that same time, the Ugandan-based leader of the Tutsi visited Paris, and
was told at the Foreign Ministry that unless the invasion stopped, ''your brothers and
families ... will all be massacred.''

In February 1993, an international commission denounced ''acts of genocide'' in
Rwanda. President Mitterrand reportedly remarked to an associate the following
summer: ''In countries like that, a genocide is not very important.''

The genocide proper began on April 6, 1994. By July more than a million Tutsi of
Rwanda were slaughtered by Hutu fellow citizens, encouraged in this terrifying
campaign by their government.

France's collaboration with the Hutu authorities continued for at least another month.
There was a delivery of arms by way of Goma in Zaire as late as July 18, long after a
United Nations embargo had mandated a halt to all arms shipments.

A French military intervention was launched at the end of June. It was announced as a
humanitarian mission but actually covered the retreat into Zaire of Hutu soldiers, militias
and the officials responsible for the massacres - including those responsible for the
fanatical ethnic propaganda that had incited genocide.

This policy of supporting the authors of genocide was chiefly the responsibility of Mr.
Mitterrand, who under the French constitution is the ultimate authority in foreign policy.

It was carried out, and covered up, by successive conservative and Socialist
governments, including the Socialist government now in power.

At present, in Bordeaux, the trial continues of Maurice Papon, an official of the
wartime Vichy regime who is accused of crimes against humanity for having
collaborated in Vichy's handing over of foreign and French Jews for extermination by
Nazi Germany. His defense is that as a civil servant he obeyed orders, and had little
personal latitude to resist.

This past week France celebrated the centenary of Emile Zola's famous article
''J'accuse'' denouncing the gross injustice done to Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish
officer falsely accused of espionage and condemned to life imprisonment. Zola was
forced into exile by that article, but Dreyfus was later vindicated.

Mr. de Saint-Exup‚ry writes that there is much bitterness in the French army today
because of the role it was ordered to play in the Rwandan genocide. He quotes an
internal army document which speaks of soldiers who ''cracked, not because of the
corpses and violence and hunting down of victims ... but because of a sense of guilt.''

There has been no open polemic, thanks to military discipline and esprit de corps, as
well as to ingrained cynicism about politicians. The soldiers have been silent in public,
although the articles in Le Figaro clearly draw on private confidences.

The army has been abandoned before by French governments, left with terrifying
responsibilities for crimes committed by political leaders. Yet it must re-cognize the
irony in the coincidence of these revelations with the Papon trial and with Zola's great
cry for justice.