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Politics : Did Slick Boink Monica? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: MulhollandDrive who wrote (13882)4/18/1998 10:10:00 AM
From: Zoltan!  Respond to of 20981
 
More hypocrisy from the Left:

Hale Storm

Kenneth Starr formally has the support of editorialists at The
New York Times, though they get prissy whenever the independent
counsel's critics find something to criticize. So when he subpoenaed White
House hatchetman Sidney Blumenthal, the Times saw it as "an attack on
press freedom and the unrestricted flow of information."

This week there's a new flurry of criticism, concerning allegations that some
money from The American Spectator may have reached David Hale, a
potential Whitewater witness against President Clinton. Attorney General
Reno unjudiciously told her press conference that yes, this needs to be
investigated. Her deputy, Eric Holder, released a tendentious letter to Mr.
Starr asserting that while the independent counsel had jurisdiction, he had
conflicts. U.S. District Court Judge Henry Woods down in Arkansas also
has taken it upon himself to demand an investigation, echoing the usual crew
at the White House.

So we have the U.S. government marshaling its powers to investigate how a
magazine spent its money reporting stories highly critical of the incumbent
Administration. The Spectator, while accepting money from Richard Scaife,
is clearly a bona fide publication, with a circulation of more than 200,000.
But so far as we've been able to see, none of the publications reporting this
story sees any attack on press freedom here. The Times decrees, "These
charges need to be examined quickly."

The charges about the Hale money came from an Internet magazine called
Salon (paid circulation zip), based on quotes from somebody's former
girlfriend. We do not believe all the folks writing about this happened across
Salon while browsing the web. It seems to us, rather, that the flurry of
stories has Mr. Blumenthal's fingerprints all over it. And it's not about the
Spectator. The press is missing the free press angle, and also the real point
of the matter. To wit, that Mr. Hale goes on trial next week in Arkansas.

The Hale trial is a story in itself. Mr. Hale is, of course, the key witness in
one of the most damaging allegations against President Clinton--that he
cooked up an illegal $300,000 loan and funneled some of the money to the
Clinton-McDougal Whitewater land deal. He's being charged under state
law for insurance fraud. His attorney David Bowden asserts, without
contradiction that we've seen, that in "the entire history of Arkansas, no one
other person has ever been prosecuted under the statute utilized against Mr.
Hale."

When the insurance-fraud charges were first suggested, Mr. Starr noted
that Mr. Hale was one of his cooperating witnesses; ultimately he was
instrumental in the conviction of former Governor Jim Guy Tucker and
Susan and Jim McDougal. The independent counsel wrote that it would be
"highly unusual, if not unprecedented, for a state prosecutor to initiate
separate criminal charges against an individual cooperating in an important
federal investigation, during the course of that person's cooperation."

Nonetheless, Mark Stodola, then prosecuting attorney for Pulaski County,
insisted on pressing the charges. At the time he was one of three candidates
in the Democratic primary contending for an open Congressional seat; he
was defeated in a runoff. His former deputy, Larry Jegley, is now continuing
the prosecution.

In his letter to Attorney General Janet Reno, Hale lawyer Bowden charged
that Mr. Stodola received campaign contributions from Charlie Trie and
William Kennedy III, both Clinton friends. And also from Truman Arnold,
the Texas millionaire who was a big Clinton backer. Why, Mr. Bowden
asked, would Mr. Arnold "be making such large contributions to a local
prosecutor in Central Arkansas?" Sam Dash, the former Watergate
prosecutor who serves as Mr. Starr's ethics adviser, met with Mr. Stodola
in January 1996, and told the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette that the
prosecutor appeared to be under "heavy political pressure."

"Mr. Hale has provided information that is damaging to the President of the
United States," Mr. Starr wrote in the letter to Ms. Reno he released
yesterday, saying this means the Justice Department has its own conflicts,
and suggesting a meeting to set up "alternative" investigatory mechanisms.
Yet it seems to us that this new flurry of charges against an adversary
magazine and an adversary witness lies smack in the middle of Mr. Starr's
mandate. What we have here is the use of prosecutorial powers in
Arkansas, and also the Justice Department in Washington, to protect Bill
Clinton against David Hale; what needs to be investigated is further abuses
of the power invested in the President of the United States.
interactive.wsj.com



To: MulhollandDrive who wrote (13882)4/18/1998 10:19:00 AM
From: Zoltan!  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 20981
 
Hey Betty, do you see last night's PBS Newshour? The had a segment on Clinton's failure to sign Nafta with Chile - seems the Canadians went ahead and your favorite company - Cisco Systems - lost a contract for $200,000,000 worth of equipment. It went to Newbridge because of the 11% tariff.

Seems Clinton's union paymasters have control of trade even though they cripple US high tech:

Chile Con Carey:
What Bill Did
For the Teamsters


By PAUL A. GIGOT

So you want to sign a treaty with Uncle Sam? Better hope the Uncle who's
signing hasn't cut an under-the-table deal with the Teamsters to help himself
win a second term.

That's what Latin American leaders may be thinking this weekend in Chile
as they listen to President Clinton promote "free trade for the Americas." It's
a fine vision. It ought to be part of his legacy.

But this is also the same president who has quietly reneged on part of his
most recent American trade deal, the one with Mexico. Thus do other
leaders understand how White House scandal has damaged U.S. foreign
policy, even if most Americans avert their eyes.

This too-little-known tale starts with Mr. Clinton's
Nafta achievement of 1993. While the pact was
George Bush's idea, this president did well to sell it
to his own hostile Democratic coalition. One of
Nafta's most important planks was to allow full and
easy access by U.S. and Mexican truckers across
the border. Commerce would be speeded up,
transport costs reduced, living standards raised.

"We're unequivocally ready for December 18th,"
said then Transportation Secretary Federico Pe¤a,
just two weeks before the cross-border trucks
were supposed to roll in 1995. He must have been
out of the loop. Because on Dec. 18, the very day of implementation, the
White House unilaterally backed out. It postponed the trucking deal
because of concern about "safety."

This was odd. Mr. Pe¤a had discounted the safety worries just two weeks
earlier. Every Mexican truck would be subject to the same rules as U.S.
trucks. Texas alone had hired 109 new troopers and opened four new
inspection stations for the job. All four U.S. border-state governors were
eager to move ahead.

So what really happened? All signs suggest this was part of the quo that Mr.
Clinton paid for the quid that the Teamsters provided during the 1996
election campaign. The evidence is piled higher than the Himalayas in the
Senate's recent report on campaign fund-raising.

Keep in mind that the Teamsters had long been the
one big union that sometimes backed Republicans.
But with new (and since defrocked) president Ron
Carey at the helm in the mid-1990s, the Clinton
team saw a chance to make the union a wholly
owned subsidiary.

"We are in a good position to rekindle the Teamster
leadership's enthusiasm for the Administration," says
a 1995 set of "Teamster Notes" underlined by chief
political fixer Harold Ickes. "But they have some
parochial issues that we need to work on."

Work they did. One issue was the trucking deal, which would open U.S.
roads to nonunion Mexican truckers. A memo from then-Teamster political
director William Hamilton says he expressly brought up Mexican trucking in
a meeting with Vice President Al Gore. Another Hamilton document
includes "stopped the Nafta border crossings" on a list of White House
favors performed.

What did Mr. Clinton get in return? Almost certainly lots of cash and
thousands of man-hours to help re-elect him and fellow Democrats. Exact
numbers aren't known, because the Teamsters are still refusing to turn over
most of their own documents to Congress.

But we do know that the U.S. attorney for Southern New York has already
won guilty pleas from Teamster consultants for breaking campaign laws.
Especially suspect is a "contribution swap scheme" hatched between the
Teamsters and the Democratic National Committee in 1996. Democrats
hunted for a big donor to Mr. Carey's re-election campaign while Teamster
cash flowed into Democratic coffers.

We also know that Mr. Hamilton took the Fifth rather than testify before
Congress. And we know that a House committee investigating the
Teamsters has turned up evidence suggesting that a union with net worth of
some $150 million in the early 1990s is now all but broke. Wonder where
all of that money went?

Odder yet, even this long after his re-election, Mr. Clinton still hasn't
budged on Nafta trucking. Mexico has protested to no avail, despite a
Clinton visit last year. Border-state congressmen who ask questions, such
as GOP Texas Rep. Henry Bonilla, get the run-around.

My guess is that as long as the threat of scandal hangs over him, Mr.
Clinton figures he can't afford to upset his union allies. Especially not anyone
who could cooperate with investigators. That's also why the president won't
try again to get fast-track trade power passed this year, though he claims he
wants it. There's also Mr. Gore's election in 2000 to think about--he'd like
Teamster help too.

All politicians do favors for friends. But no president until this one has dared
to trade a hard-won national commitment merely for campaign cash. Nafta
was a sovereign U.S. promise, made by no less than Mr. Clinton himself.
To renege on even part of it hurts not just his credibility but also America's.

Such behavior has consequences. In Chile this weekend, Brazil's president
will sign trade deals that mean something, but America's president won't.
Mr. Clinton will talk a lot and pose for photographs. That's one legacy of
selling a chunk of American foreign policy to the Teamsters.
interactive.wsj.com