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Politics : Clinton's Scandals: Is this corruption the worst ever? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Trippi who wrote (8787)11/4/1998 10:03:00 PM
From: Catfish  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 13994
 
Trippi,
Since you are a Democratic Socialist, I thought that you might find this enlightening. Remember, in Socialism, the rights of the individual are subordinate to those of the state. A Socialist form of government has been ELECTED by a vote of the people in the past, can it happen here? Are our current voting laws too loose to prevent a political disaster? The motor voter law, enacted by a Clinton EO, encourages such a scenario...see previous posts (8760 & 8761) regarding Sixty Minutes program on voter fraud.

Socialism = NAZI

or...

Hitler was a socialist.

The nasty little secret they don't want you to know!


THE OMINOUS PARALLELS, by Leonard Peikoff...

A VERITAS News Service Book Review - "A magnificent work... it should be required reading for all Americans. This book reveals socialisms nasty little secret." William Cooper

Excerpt from Chapter One.

The Nazis were not a tribe of prehistoric savages. Their crimes were the official, legal acts and policies of modern Germany -- an educated, industrialized, CIVILIZED Western European nation, a nation renowned throughout the world for the luster of its intellectual and cultural achievements. By reason of its long line of famous artists and thinkers, Germany has been called "the land of poets and philosophers."

But its education offered the country no protection against the Sergeant Molls in its ranks. The German university students were among the earliest groups to back Hitler. The intellectuals were among his regime's most ardent supporters. Professors with distinguished academic credentials, eager to pronounce their benediction on the Fuhrer's cause, put their scholarship to work full time; they turned out a library of admiring volumes, adorned with obscure allusions and learned references.

The Nazis did not gain power against the country's wishes. In this respect there was no gulf between the intellectuals and the people. The Nazi party was elected to office by the freely cast ballots of millions of German voters, including men on every social, economic, and educational level. In the national election of July 1932, the Nazis obtained 37% of the vote and a plurality of seats in the Reichstag. On January 30, 1933, in full accordance with the country's legal and constitutional principles, Hitler was appointed Chancellor. Five weeks later, in the last (and semi-free) election of the pre-totalitarian
period, the Nazis obtained 17 million votes, 44% of the total.

The voters were aware of the Nazi ideology. Nazi literature, including statements of the Nazi plans for the future, papered the country during the last years of the Weimar Republic. "Mein Kampf" alone sold more than 200,000 copies between 1925 and 1932. The essence of the political system which Hitler intended to establish in Germany was clear.

In 1933, when Hitler did establish the system he had promised, he did not find it necessary to forbid foreign travel. Until World War II, those Germans who wished to flee the country could do so. The overwhelming majority did not. They were satisfied to remain.

The system which Hitler established -- the social reality which so many Germans were so eager to embrace or so willing to endure -- the politics which began in a theory and ended in Auschwitz -- was: the "total state". The term, from which the adjective "totalitarian" derives, was coined by Hitler's mentor, Mussolini.

The state must have absolute power over every man and over every sphere of human activity, the Nazis declared. "The authority of the Fuhrer is not limited by checks and controls, by special autonomous bodies or individual rights, but it is free and independent, all-inclusive and unlimited," said Ernst Huber, an official party spokesman, in 1933.

"The concept of personal liberties of the individual as opposed to the authority of the state had to disappear; it is not to be reconciled with the principle of the nationalistic Reich," said Huber to a country which listened, and nodded. "There are no personal liberties of the individual which fall outside of the realm of the state and which must be respected by the state... The constitution of the nationalistic Reich is therefore not based upon a system of inborn and inalienable rights of the individual."

If the term "statism" designates concentration of power in the state at the expense of individual liberty, then Nazism in politics was a form of statism. In principle, it did not represent a new approach to government; it was a continuation of the political absolutism -- the absolute monarchies, the oligarchies, the theocracies, the random tyrannies -- which has characterized most of human history.

In degree, however, the total state does differ from its predecessors: it represents statism pressed to its limits, in theory and in practice, devouring the last remnants of the individual. Although previous dictators (and many today; e.g., in Latin America) often preached the unlimited power of the state, they were on the whole unable to enforce such power. As a rule, citizens of such countries had a kind of partial "freedom", not a freedom-on-principle, but at least a freedom-by-default.

Even the latter was effectively absent in Nazi Germany. The efficiency of the government in dominating its subjects, the all-encompassing character of its coercion, the complete mass regimentation on a scale involving millions of men -- and, one might add, the enormity of the slaughter, the planned, systematic mass slaughter, in peacetime, initiated by a government against its own citizens -- these are the insignia of twentieth-century totalitarianism (Nazi AND communist), which are without parallel in recorded history. In the totalitarian regimes, as the Germans found out after only a few months of Hitler's rule, every detail of life is prescribed, or proscribed. There is no longer any distinction between private matters and public matters. "There are to be no more private Germans," said Friedrich Sieburg, a Nazi writer; "each is to attain significance only by his service to the state, and to find complete self-fulfillment in his service." "The only person who is still a private individual in Germany," boasted Robert Ley, a member of the Nazi hierarchy, after several years of Nazi rule, "is somebody who is asleep."

In place of the despised "private individuals," the Germans heard daily or hourly about a different kind of entity, a supreme entity, whose will, it was said, is what determines the course and actions of the state: the nation, the whole, the GROUP. Over and over, the Germans heard the idea that underlies the advocacy of omnipotent government, the idea that totalitarians of every kind stress as the justification of their total states: COLLECTIVISM.

Collectivism is the theory that the group (the collective) has primacy over the individual. Collectivism holds that, in human affairs, the collective -- society, the community, the nation, the proletariat, the race, etc. -- is THE UNIT OF REALITY AND THE STANDARD OF VALUE. On this view, the individual has reality only as part of the group, and value only insofar as he serves it; on his own he has no political rights; he is to be sacrificed for the group whenever it -- or its representative, the state -- deems this desirable.

Fascism, said one of its leading spokesmen, Alfredo Rocco, stresses:

...the necessity, for which the older doctrines make
little allowance, of sacrifice, even up to the total
immolation of individuals, on behalf of society...
For Liberalism (i.e., individualism), the individual
is the end and society the means; nor is it conceivable
that the individual, considered in the dignity of an
ultimate finality, be lowered to mere instrumentality.
For Fascism, society is the end, individuals the
means, and its whole life consists in using
individuals as instruments for its social ends.

"The higher interests involved in the life of the whole," said Hitler in a 1933 speech, "must here set the limits and lay down the duties of the interests of the individual." Men, echoed the Nazis, have to "realize that the State is more important than the individual, that individuals must be willing and ready to sacrifice themselves for Nation and Fuhrer." The people, said the Nazis, "form a true organism," a "living unity", whose cells are individual persons. In reality, therefore -- appearances to the contrary notwithstanding -- there is no such thing as an "isolated individual" or an autonomous man.

Just as the individual is to be regarded merely as a fragment of the group, the Nazis said, so his possessions are to be regarded as a fragment of the group's wealth.

"Private property" as conceived under the liberalistic
economy order was a reversal of the true concept of
property [wrote Huber]. This "private property"
represented the right of the individual to manage and
to speculate with inherited or acquired property as
he pleased, without regard for the general interests...
German socialism had to overcome this "private", that
is, unrestrained and irresponsible view of property.
All property is common property. The owner is bound
by the people and the Reich to the responsible
management of his goods. His legal position is only
justified when he satisfies this responsibility to
the community.

Contrary to the Marxists, the Nazis did not advocate public ownership of the means of production. They did demand that the government oversee and run the nation's economy. The issue of legal ownership, they explained, is secondary; what counts is the issue of CONTROL. Private citizens, therefore, may continue to hold titles to property -- so long as the state reserves to itself the unqualified right to regulate the use of their property.

If "ownership" means the right to determine the use and disposal of material goods, then Nazism endowed the state with every real prerogative of ownership. What the individual retained was merely a formal deed, a content-less deed, which conferred no rights on its holder. Under communism, there is collective ownership of property DEJURE. Under Nazism, there is the same collective ownership DE FACTO.

During the Hitler years -- in order to finance the party's programs, including the war expenditures -- every social group in Germany was mercilessly exploited and drained. White-collar salaries and the earnings of small businessmen were deliberately held down by government controls, freezes, taxes. Big business was bled by taxes and "special contributions" of every kind, and strangled by the bureaucracy. At the same time the income of the farmers was held down, and there was a desperate flight to the cities -- where the middle class, especially the small tradesmen, were soon in desperate straits, and where the workers were forced to labor at low wages for increasingly longer hours (up to 60 or more per week).

But the Nazis defended their policies, and the country did not rebel; it accepted the Nazi argument. Selfish individuals may be unhappy, the Nazis said, but what we have established in Germany is the ideal system, SOCIALISM. In its Nazi usage this term is not restricted to a theory of economics; it is to be understood in a fundamental sense. "Socialism" for the Nazis denotes the principle of collectivism as such and its corollary, statism -- in every field of human action, including but not limited to economics.

"To be a socialist", says Goebbels, "is to submit the I to the thou; socialism is sacrificing the individual to the whole."

By this definition, the Nazis practiced what they preached. They practiced it at home and then abroad. No one can claim that they did not sacrifice enough individuals.

Excerpted from Chapter 1 of THE OMINOUS PARALLELS, by Leonard Peikoff... most probably the most important book written in modern times. Buy it... read it... study it.

harvest-trust.org









To: Trippi who wrote (8787)11/4/1998 10:18:00 PM
From: Catfish  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13994
 
Nazi's, Socialists, Communists - One and the same

Center for the American Founding
January 20, 1998 Balint Vazsonyi

TAKING COMMUNISM SERIOUSLY
By Balint Vazsonyi

[First published January 20, 1998 in The Washington Times]

The publication in France of "The Black Book of Communism" (reviewed in the Washington Times by Ben and Daniel Wattenberg, January 8) is setting off shockwaves in French political circles. But the book's real impact could be in America. At long last, we will have the tools to confront "Communism -- The Idea."

Three centuries in the making, communism has offered the only challenge to the principles of the American Founding. It has done so under a bewildering variety of labels, all based on the identical doctrine: that human reason is supreme, and that certain people are capable of comprehending and arranging the world around us; that such people should guide all others toward an increasingly perfect and just society in which all desires will have been either eliminated or satisfied.

Unlike the American quest for the best possible world, communism thus promises the perfect world. For Lenin, that meant a world where no one owned anything. For Hitler, one without Jews and ruled by Germans. Stalin combined it all -- no Jews, no ownership, and a world domination by Russia. Mao hunted down those who possessed Western books.

All for social justice. All "in the best interest of the people."

Eyebrows were raised when my 1995 essay "The Battle for America's Soul" detailed the parallels between the Third Reich and the Soviet Union as "The Unlikely Twins." Even more skepticism greeted the assertion that both grew out of nineteenth-century German philosophy. It comes as a relief that Tony Judt (New York Times, December 22, 1997) and Alain Besancon (Commentary, January 1998) published the same conclusions. Having grown up under both tyrannies, there was the troubling possibility that I had developed obsessions and mistaken them for reality.

For sure, a lot is asked of native-born Americans with no experience of foreign occupation or tyranny, to see all this in the same light as those who lived through it. Even the often-shown horror pictures of the nazi concentration camps must appear as something from another planet. Visual record of the horrible deeds elsewhere is not accessible, and reports of them have been obscured by the beguiling language of socialism: "peace, compassion, international brotherhood."

But reality is that even Mussolini was a socialist who, thrown out by fellow-socialists, formed his own socialist party named "fascist" after a symbol from ancient Rome. Reality is that Hitler's outfit was called the National Socialist German Workers' Party, with a manifesto copied from Marx. Reality is that Lenin's Bolshevik Party was based on German books. Differences merely reflected local conditions. Jiang Zemin, China's current president speaks of "Socialism with Chinese characteristics."

Might some people be working on socialism with American characteristics?

Most Americans prefer the notion that communism went out with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. But communism, remember, was not born in the Soviet Union. Why would it have died with the Soviet Union? Is it likely that the millions who signed on to The Idea just shrugged their shoulders in 1991 and drank a toast to the rule of law and free enterprise?

Remember also: socialists, whether they realize it or not, are committed to building communism because socialism -- President Jiang Zemin reminds us -- is but a phase on the road to communism.


Many see a difference between socialists and communists. But Marx, in the Communist Manifesto of 1848, already differentiates among seven types of socialism, dismissing all except his own. Since his doctrines are described as "socialist" and the publication is called "Communist Manifesto," it is just a game with words. The most successful word game was devised by Stalin, who renamed Hitler's regime "fascist" to cover up the fact that it, too, was socialist.

For several decades, we have been fooled about nazism and communism as "opposites." Nazis were the ultimate evil but communists -- Hollywood assured us during the 50th anniversary of the HUAC hearings -- were good people. The "Hollywood Ten" of 1948, and many others since, believed that communism was really a good idea with a few "mistakes" along the way.

By mistake, a hundred million people were killed in various terrible ways, so the "Black Book of Communism" informs us. That, and the irrefutable evidence of methods identical to those of Nazi Germany, should open many eyes at last. There is nothing we can do about the past. But we can do something for the future. We can change the words we use.

As Alain Besancon points out in Commentary, the current vocabulary for our political spectrum is of Soviet origin. It placed socialists and communists on the left, "capitalists, imperialists" on the right. Once nazis entered the picture, they became the far right, and room was created for "moderates" in the middle.

Each of these propositions is a deception.

Placing communist socialists and national socialists at opposite ends feigned a quality difference between their agendas, and the people who joined them. It also hinted that everyone on the "right" was in some proximity to the hated nazis. Recently, "extremist" has been added to move those on the "right," rhetorically, ever closer to nazis.

Accompanying this has been the refusal by persons who espouse classic socialist tools to be called socialist. What else should we call people who advocate redistribution, class warfare, classification by ancestry, political correctness, revisionist history, school-to-work, speech codes? Or do they not realize they are socialists?

If so, millions of Americans might reconsider their stance once they realize its origins. Millions more might rediscover America's founding principles once they accept that nazism was just another form of socialism. So let us restore clarity.

There are the principles of the American Founding: the rule of law, individual rights, guaranteed property, and a common American identity. They bring, maintain, and defend freedom.

Then there is the road to socialism: "social justice," group rights, redistribution through entitlements, and multiculturalism. They crush the human spirit, and enslave the participants.


One is home-grown, secured by the sacrifice of countless generations, and uniquely successful. The other is of foreign origin, propagated around the world by political operatives, and has produced the greatest tragedies of recorded history.

It should not be difficult to choose.

But there is no middle.

freerepublic.com





To: Trippi who wrote (8787)11/4/1998 10:23:00 PM
From: Catfish  Respond to of 13994
 
Trippi,

"If a nation expects to be ignorant and free ... it expects what never was and never will be." (Thomas Jefferson)

Darrell



To: Trippi who wrote (8787)11/5/1998 2:31:00 PM
From: Catfish  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13994
 
We must stop thinking of the individual and start thinking about what is best for society." (Hillary Clinton, 1993)

"We can't be so fixated on our desire to preserve the rights of ordinary Americans ..." (President Bill Clinton, USA Today, March 11, 1993, Page 2A)

I am here because I want to redefine the meaning of citizenship in America... If you're asked in school 'What does it mean to be a good citizen?' I want the answer to be, 'Well, to be a good citizen, you have to obey the law, you've got to go to work or be in school, you've got to pay your taxes and --- oh, yes, you have to serve ..... (Bill Clinton at Volunteerism Summit)