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Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Les H who wrote (45128)5/3/1999 12:28:00 PM
From: Neocon  Respond to of 67261
 
I have read this, Les. It is excellent, and I recommend it to all!



To: Les H who wrote (45128)5/3/1999 12:44:00 PM
From: Les H  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
After Littleton, Right and Left Need New Views
By Morton M. Kondracke

ABC's "Good Morning America" team is as good as there is on television, but
two segments last Thursday illustrated what's missing in many responses to the
Littleton, Colo., school massacre.

First, Diane Sawyer interviewed Esther Green, who heroically survived a
carjacking with her baby in Fayetteville, Ga., by secretly calling 911 on her cell
phone and directing a dispatcher while pretending to talk to her kidnappers.

The interview was fine, with one exception. In nearly every sentence recounting
her ordeal, attributed courage to "the grace of God" and her survival as the
result of "the goodness of God."

"I have learned," she said, "that with God I can have the strength of eagles, that
I can fly." And when she and her baby were safe, "the first thing I did was
thank and praise God."

There was an obvious opportunity here to inquire about the power of religious
faith, but Sawyer acted as though she either didn't hear the word "God" or,
more likely, found Green's devoutness too difficult to handle.

What's that got to do with Littleton? For one thing, deep religious faith clearly
is the antithesis of the "dark side" that killers Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold
lived. They even shot born-again Christian Cassie Bernall after she affirmed her
belief in God.

Sawyer's failure to follow up on the subject -- admittedly, it came up in a
separate context -- was a small example of the inability of opinion leaders to step
beyond their comfort zones and preconceptions, which is an absolute necessity
if the problem of youth violence is to be solved.

As conservative commentator William Kristol has observed, Littleton can be as
culturally decisive an event as the Oklahoma City bombing, which substantially
put an end to "angry-white-male chic" in the mid-1990s.

But cultural renewal can happen only if people are willing to think afresh about
what to do. Unfortunately, with some exceptions, most commentators are
nurturing their intellectual prejudices over Littleton, not transcending them.

The immediate reaction of most liberals was to call for gun control.
Conservatives instantly blamed "the culture," especially Hollywood, and
preemptively denounced "knee-jerk" gun control proposals.

Right after the Green segment, the "Good Morning America" folks illustrated
the syndrome. Co-host Charles Gibson observed that the White House might
take up Sen. Joe Lieberman's (D-Conn.) call for a summit meeting of
entertainment executives to discuss youth violence.

"I get uncomfortable with this," he said, "because ... is the government going to
be cracking down on the entertainment industry in some way? You get into
First Amendment questions."

News-reader Antonio Mora added: "I think that sometimes the media gets too
much blame for what clearly were disturbed children."

Littleton could be a transforming event in America if media people started
looking at their responsibilities, liberals put moral pressure on their Hollywood
friends, secularists reconsidered religion in schools and conservatives opened
their minds to the possibility that guns could be less available.

The person who normally should lead a national dialogue is President Clinton,
but his first major response to Littleton was to propose new gun laws. They are
certainly called for -- it ought to be impossible for minors to acquire assault
rifles -- but distrust of Clinton likely will sink his proposals.

One person who shows some tendency to break the ideological mold is Vice
President Al Gore, who said in an MSNBC town meeting, "I think we need
changes in a variety of places, not only in government, but in families.

"All adults need to be more involved in the lives of children. ... We need
mentors and support networks. We also need to restrict the availability of guns.
We need to put pressure on the entertainment industry to tone down the levels
of explicit violence. We need more discipline in schools and more character
education."

Gore endorsed the idea of Lieberman and Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) for an
entertainment summit and consumer boycotts of sponsors of violent and
explicit TV shows. But the Vice President couldn't bring himself to accept
another proposal advanced on the show.

When Larry Pratt, executive director of Gun Owners of America, suggested that
having more armed adults in schools -- say, assistant principals trained with
guns -- could stop student assaults, Gore dismissed the idea as "highly
irresponsible."

Really? Pratt didn't suggest that students tote weapons to protect themselves,
but pointed out that other school rampages have been stopped by armed
officials.

Gore, while closed to some ideas, seems open to many others. He was moved,
he said, by a parent in Littleton who whispered to him, "'These children cannot
have died in vain. We have to make changes. Promise me we will make changes.
Promise me.'" Naturally, Gore said, he promised.

To fulfill the promise, cultural groups all need to reform themselves -- not blame
the usual suspects.



To: Les H who wrote (45128)5/3/1999 12:47:00 PM
From: Les H  Respond to of 67261
 
Polls: no support for troops in Kosovo
By Dick Morris

p>The American people oppose using ground troops in Kosovo.
Sending them there in a combat mission would do to President
Clinton's job rating what Monica Lewinsky did to his personal
favorability.

Even when asked a fairly loaded question in the Fox
News/Opinion Dynamics poll of April 26, voters opposed
sending ground troops by a decisive margin:

Q. If NATO decides to send ground troops to Kosovo, do you
favor or oppose sending U.S. ground troops as part of the NATO
force?
A. Favor — 38% Oppose — 51%

Had the question left out the NATO decision and alluded to a
combat role for U.S. forces, you can be sure the numbers would
have come in even more opposed to ground troops. By 53-34,
the public said that Clinton “did the right thing by initially ruling
out ground troops.”

Reflecting American lack of interest in Kosovo, the Fox News
poll found that only 37 percent felt that “winning the war in
Kosovo is worth the loss of even a single American life,” while
54 percent said that it is not. By the barest of margins, 49-42,
the voters said that the United States should be involved in
Kosovo at all as opposed to having stayed out entirely.

If Clinton is trying to bluff Slobodan Milosovic by seeming to
consider ground troops, it's a good move. But if he seriously
plans to send them, he might as well sign his political death
certificate at the same time.

Even more dramatic is the fall in the Fox News poll of the
percentage of Americans who see the nation as “on the right
track.” For the only time in 1998 or thus far in 1999, the percent
who feel we are headed in the right direction has dropped to 44
percent — a 10-point skid since the end of January — and 42
percent say we are headed onto the wrong track — the only
time wrong track has cracked 40 during the year-and-a-half
period. Clinton's job approval skidded to 60 percent, a five-point
drop in the last month.

History is filled with Democratic presidents whose idealism led
them into a foreign war which so exhausted the American
people that it extinguished their capacity for idealism and led to
a long period of Republican rule and a lack of foreign
involvement.

Wilson yielded to Harding after World War I. Truman to
Eisenhower after Korea. Johnson to Nixon after Vietnam. Will
Clinton give way to Bush as a price of his idealism in Kosovo?

Kosovo is not healthy for Bill Clinton, Al Gore, or other living
things.

But beyond the political situation, ground involvement in Kosovo
would eliminate our nation's best hope for progress — the
spirituality and idealism that are pervading our consciousness
as the millennium draws to a close.

In 1917, a generation which had pioneered progressivism,
elected Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, backed the New
Freedom agenda, and sought reform of American politics,
eagerly entered the European War, angered by the German
invasion of Belgian neutrality and by U-boat warfare. Over
100,000 deaths later, the nation was so introverted that it
rejected the League of Nations and elected Harding, Coolidge
and Hoover in an attempt to regain “normalcy.”

In 1950, the Americans who enthusiastically backed the New
Deal, the Marshall Plan, Point Four, and the Fair Deal stood up
in the face of the outrageous Korean aggression. But the
resulting stalemate so sapped public idealism that America
turned inward during the '50s contenting itself with “peace and
prosperity.”

The destruction of the New Frontier and Great Society
mandates by the disaster in Vietnam is well-documented. The
GOP ruled for 20 of the next 24 years and the stage was set for
the isolationism of the '70s and the narcissism of the '80s.

Those are the stakes Clinton must weigh before committing
troops to combat.

Alternatively, Clinton needs to stop fighting the air war the way
LBJ did. He should remove any targeting restrictions on the
military and approve use of the Apache helicopters and go after
infantry and armor. It will cause a few casualties.

But America will accept a few score of combat deaths a whole
lot better than a stalemate, a Milosovic victory, or a settlement
which leaves his army intact so we have to do this all again as
we have to in Iraq. And winning the war through air power, even
with limited casualties, will end pressure for a disastrous ground
involvement.

Dick Morris is a former political consultant to President Clinton,
Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and other political figures, and a close
and personal friend of Daniel Schuh.