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To: Yaacov who wrote (6572)5/3/1999 9:36:00 PM
From: goldsnow  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 17770
 
Think-tank blasts NATO
strategy in Kosovo
03:02 p.m May 03, 1999 Eastern

By Paul Taylor

LONDON, May 4 (Reuters) -
NATO's ''air strikes only'' strategy
emboldened Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic to defy the West
and may prove inadequate to achieve
Western political goals in Kosovo, a
leading strategic think-tank said on
Tuesday.

In its annual ''Strategic Survey,'' the
respected International Institute for
Strategic Studies said: ''While the
operation against Serbia could
clearly damage Serbian military
power, the value of air power as an
instrument to force diplomatic
compliance was shown to be
limited.''

The West's reluctance to send a
fighting force on the ground
encouraged Milosevic to adopt ''a
hedgehog strategy'': taking air strikes
in the hope NATO would not wish
to destroy Serbian assets to the
extent that the local balance of
power would shift entirely to the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), it
said.

The Serbian strongman was betting
he could survive the air strikes,
despite the damage to his military,
and that the West would be unable
to ram an autonomy agreement for
Kosovo down his throat.

The London-based institute said that
faced with the choice between losing
control over the southern province
peacefully through the Rambouillet
peace plan drafted by the
international community or by war,
''predictably, he chose violence.''

''Had diplomats told Milosevic that
force would be used to assure
Kosovo's independence, and
managed to convince him that the
West had both the will and capacity
to do this, he might have preferred
the softer diplomatic outcome
offered at Rambouillet,'' it said.

NATO continues to oppose
independence for the 1.8 million
ethnic Albanians in Kosovo because
of the precedent in changing borders
and fears of a domino effect
elsewhere in the Balkans.

''Unless the threat of force is
coupled with a promise to deliver a
less attractive political outcome than
that promised by diplomacy alone,
dictators will often prefer to play
poker with the West's military
machine,'' the IISS said.

The use of air power alone had not
induced Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein to allow the return of United
Nations arms inspectors to Baghdad,
it noted, and dropping bombs on
Yugoslavia would hardly inspire
Milosevic to sign the Rambouillet
Accords ''when the facts of war
might produce other, more useful
options.''

The survey attributed earlier failures
to settle the Kosovo question partly
to Western short-sightedness,
reacting to each crisis in former
Yugoslavia as it flared without
adopting a broader approach to
stabilising the region, and partly to
the reluctance of the United States to
commit ground troops.

In a world with a peerless United
States as the only one global
superpower, a rapidly rusting Russia
and a still inchoate Europe, ''regional
conflict will remain configured by the
presence or absence of an American
will to intervene,'' it said.

In Kosovo, Washington long gave
Milosevic the impression that it was
not prepared to dispatch troops to
impose peace.

A U.S. decision to sub-contract to
private security firms its contribution
to the Kosovo Verification Mission
deployed last year under the aegis of
the Organisation for Security and
Cooperation reinforced that
impression, the IISS said.

Despite the war over Kosovo and
the resulting increased threat to the
stability of neighbouring Macedonia
and Albania, the ''Strategic Survey''
noted a series of positive
developments in southeastern
Europe.

It cited political reform and the
avoidance of ethnic strife in Romania
and Bulgaria, the containment of
Greek-Turkish rivalry and a
widespread willingness to
subordinate nationalism to the goal of
integrating into European institutions.

However, it said the West must
recognise that Milosevic ''and the
other dictators who have risen from
the ashes of Yugoslavia by playing
on nationalist feelings and economic
frustration'' are part of the problem,
not a stepping stone to a solution,
and that any deal with them was
bound to fail.

While the Balkans would not return
to their turn-of-the-century role as
''Europe's powder-keg...the region
could revert to its traditional role as
Europe's periphery, a zone which is
theoretically part of the continent,
almost ready to integrate but,
somehow, still not making it.''

Copyright 1999 Reuters Limited