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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (6886)9/5/2003 11:38:49 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793758
 
It's much too early to put any of the major candidates as "yesterday's news." Many twists and turns ahead.

Too me he is another "Dole." He lost in 88 and has no charisma. A party "War Horse."



To: JohnM who wrote (6886)9/5/2003 11:41:17 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793758
 
This would be "good news", I think. Then pressure could be brought to send Arafat on his way, or cut him off.

[The New York Times] [Sponsored by Starbucks]
September 6, 2003
Abbas Set to Quit, Palestinians Say
By JAMES BENNET

[J] ERUSALEM, Sept. 5 ? Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian prime minister favored by the Bush administration and Israel as an alternative to Yasir Arafat and as an agent of Middle East peace, plans to announce on Saturday that he is resigning, four senior Palestinian officials said tonight.

Late tonight, some Palestinian officials were trying to persuade Mr. Abbas to change his mind. He has previously threatened to quit without following through.

But associates of Mr. Abbas said he had concluded that there was no other way besides resigning to break what has become a crippling cycle of confrontation and compromise over the extent of his powers with Mr. Arafat and other leaders of the dominant Fatah movement. This way, the associates said, Mr. Arafat, under international pressure, may feel forced to bring back Mr. Abbas, or another prime minister, with guaranteed authority.

"It's the only way forward," a senior Palestinian official said. "We basically have come to a dead end here."

In the current stalemate between the two Palestinian leaders, Mr. Abbas is demanding full control of all the Palestinian security services, but Mr. Arafat, the president of the governing Palestinian Authority, has balked at yielding it.

The senior Palestinian official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Mr. Abbas faced days of debate over the security issue in the Palestinian parliament, followed by a likely but temporary compromise that would only again postpone the confrontation with Mr. Arafat. Mr. Abbas appears to be calculating that his resignation will compel not only Mr. Arafat but also Israel and the Bush administration to take bold steps to save the peace effort.

"It's in everybody's interest now to focus, and to see what can be done," the official said. While acknowledging that the strategy is highly risky, he said, "It offers a chance of a framework in which things could be put together in a better way."

Palestinian legislators have said Bush administration officials warned them in recent days that if Mr. Abbas's government collapsed, the White House might walk away from the peace plan, known as the road map. Israeli and Palestinian officials view the administration as increasingly distracted by the occupation of Iraq and the coming presidential campaign.

The parliament is scheduled to meet on Saturday in closed session in the West Bank city of Ramallah to consider the standoff between the men. Mr. Abbas was expected to announce his resignation at midday, also in Ramallah. It was not clear if he would do so before the legislators.

Another Palestinian official, while confirming that Mr. Abbas intended to step down, said, "I'm very surprised." In a speech to the Palestinian parliament on Thursday, Mr. Abbas said he had no intention of quitting, though he challenged the parliament to support his agenda fully or to dissolve his government. He had also recently assured his top aides that he would not resign.

Some officials said they thought that Mr. Abbas had been shaken by the appearance at the parliament building on Thursday of masked men, who pounded on the doors and condemned his leadership. Dozens of young men who demonstrated outside the building chanted that Mr. Abbas's security minister, Muhammad Dahlan, is a collaborator with the Central Intelligence Agency

Further, 18 Palestinian legislators moved for a no-confidence vote to be taken on Mr. Abbas's government. That vote has not yet been scheduled.

But Mr. Abbas appeared to be motivated mostly by a decision that a rude jolt was needed to revive the peace effort.

The Bush administration has refused to deal with Mr. Arafat since June of last year, acceding to Israel's policy of isolating him and treating him as the central obstacle to peace.

Reluctantly, Mr. Arafat appointed Mr. Abbas prime minister in the spring. After a fierce legislative battle, directed in part by Mr. Arafat, over the extent of the prime minister's authority, Mr. Abbas was confirmed by the parliament on April 29.

While on paper the prime minister was granted substantial powers to form and run a government, in practice Mr. Abbas has repeatedly had to fight for his agenda with Mr. Arafat and other longtime Fatah officials.

Though Mr. Abbas began with some allies in the Fatah leadership and the legislature, he alienated many with what was seen as clumsy handling of relations with Israel. Further, the embrace of Mr. Abbas by the Bush administration and Israel fanned Palestinian suspicions that he was being elevated at Mr. Arafat's expense as someone who would more readily compromise.

In fact, there is no difference between the stated goals of Mr. Arafat and Mr. Abbas: a Palestinian state, with its capital in Jerusalem, in all of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which Israel occupied in the 1967 war. Both men say they want to see all Israeli settlements removed from the occupied territories.

But there are deep differences over tactics and strategy. Mr. Abbas regards the three-year-old Palestinian uprising against Israel as a disaster for the Palestinian national cause. Violence has only undermined the Palestinians internationally, he has said, while bringing devastation to Palestinian areas from the far superior Israeli forces.

Mr. Arafat has not been willing to foreclose the option of violence, Palestinian and Israeli officials say, contending that it is the only way the Palestinians can command the world's attention.

As prime minister, Mr. Abbas called for a halt to all Palestinian violence. He successfully sought a temporary, unilateral suspension of attacks on Israelis from the main Palestinian factions, Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Israel argued that the cease-fire was no substitute for decisive action, called for in the peace plan, to start breaking up the violent groups.

But Mr. Dahlan, the security minister, controls only three of more than a dozen Palestinian security services. He and Mr. Abbas seemed hesitant to use force to back up the declared cease-fire, and they ruled out using it pre-emptively against Hamas and other militant groups.

Crucially, Mr. Abbas, who clearly dislikes the public spotlight and the exhausting duties of prime minister, has not gained much standing among Palestinians. Where Mr. Abbas is a diplomat, a man who is comfortable in conversation with foreign officials, including Americans and Israelis, Mr. Arafat is a skilled politician whose military uniforms and bombast sustain his popularity at home.

"I'm not looking for popularity," Mr. Abbas said in in July. "I'm looking to do the proper thing."

Yet Mr. Abbas and his associates also argued that Israel had never made the bold concessions called for in the peace plan, like freezing the growth of settlements, that would have strengthened him.

"I don't think that anyone in the world would disagree with me when I say that Israel is responsible for the situation," Mr. Abbas said on Thursday, referring to the collapse of peace talks.

A Hamas suicide bombing on Aug. 19 that killed 22 people aboard a Jerusalem bus effectively brought the peace effort to a halt. But Mr. Abbas argued that Israeli "provocations" ? apparently a reference to the Israeli military's continuing raids in Palestinian cities ? unchecked by the Bush administration, had already doomed the peace plan.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (6886)9/5/2003 11:50:37 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793758
 
Reviews of two Films coming out. The "Times", of course, is never happy if Bush is shown in a favorable light. Ken Burns tends to "monotone" me to death.

[The New York Times]
September 5, 2003
TV REVIEW | 'DC 9/11'; 'CENTER OF THE WORLD'
Sept. 11, Before and After
By ALESSANDRA STANLEY

[A] DOCUDRAMA on a subject as raw as Sept. 11 is not easily watched. When American troops are still dying in Afghanistan and Iraq, a look back at the presidential decisions that brought us to this point is all the more sensitive.

But there is absolutely no self-consciousness whatsoever to "DC 9/11: Time of Crisis." This made-for-television movie on Showtime Sunday night is less a first draft of history than a final rewrite of a Tom Clancy screenplay. George W. Bush, uncannily impersonated by Timothy Bottoms, is its action-adventure commander in chief. "If some tinhorn terrorist wants me, tell him to come get me," the fictionalized president barks at an overprotective security officer keeping him hidden aboard Air Force One on that fateful day. "I'll just be waiting for the bastard."

Timing, more than anything else, mars this effort to dramatize the events and emotions that guided the president ? and the country ? in the first days after the terrorist attacks; it is way too soon for a serene look back. PBS, which is marking the second anniversary of Sept. 11 on Monday night with "The Center of the World," a very thorough two-part documentary on the rise ? and fall ? of the World Trade Center, has the opposite problem. Two years after the twin towers collapsed, it is a little late to be reliving ? especially at such a slow, stately pace ? the saga of the Rockefellers and the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey.

"DC 9/11" was written by Lionel Chetwynd, a filmmaker who is one of Hollywood's more outspoken conservatives, and it reflects his unstinting admiration for the president. (In his eyes, the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, is not particularly eloquent, and Vice President Dick Cheney is a kowtowing yes-man.)

All docudramas round out the facts to fit a story line. Few would dispute the basic accuracy of the film: even his most virulent opponents give the president credit for adapting to the unimaginable attack with speed and resolve.

But a movie about George W. Bush's first serious challenge ? broadcast at the beginning of his re-election campaign and in the middle of a murky, costly war with no marked ending ? inevitably lends it a sour, partisan undertone.

"DC 9/11" would like to be the Sept. 11 version of "The Missiles of October," an acclaimed 1974 made-for-TV movie about the Cuban missile crisis that starred William Devane as President John F. Kennedy and Martin Sheen as his brother Robert.

Real life, however, does not always follow the smooth arc of a made-for-television movie. A character can grow in a crisis and still come up short of the next set of obstacles.

"DC 9/11" traces Mr. Bush's transition from new, untested president to committed wartime leader, but along the way it rarely misses a chance to suggest that the Clinton administration's weakness was to blame for the disaster.

"I want to inflict pain," Mr. Bush tells Prime Minister Blair over the telephone. "Bring enough damage so they understand there is a new team here, a fundamental change in our policy."

The script does not air-brush Mr. Bush's first, awkward stumbles, and it faithfully recreates his stiff televised statement from Barksdale Air Force Base. The movie also puts him back on his feet very quickly. On Air Force One, he is totally in control. "Hike military alert status to Delta," he instructs Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld (John Cunningham). "That's the military, the C.I.A., foreign, domestic, everything," he explains to Mr. Rumsfeld, who was also Secretary of Defense under President Gerald R. Ford. "And if you haven't gone to Defcon 3, you oughtta." He then gets on the line with Mr. Cheney (Lawrence Pressman): "Vice? We are at war."

Wives in these kinds of thrillers are either dead or docile. The movie version of Laura Bush (Mary Gordon Murray) is so placid and composed that she seems like the First Lady of Prozac. In real life, after the president told reporters that he wanted Osama bin Laden "dead or alive," Mrs. Bush famously chided him for his bravado, teasingly asking, "Bushie, you gonna git 'im?" In the movie she merely suggests, ever so softly, that some people might misunderstand his Texan way with words.

There is no misunderstanding anything in Ric Burns's three-hour documentary "The Center of the World." Every fact is corroborated by a well-spoken specialist, and then corroborated again by another. Four different experts make the point that after World War II, David Rockefeller wanted a World Trade Center in Lower Manhattan because Chase Manhattan Bank's headquarters were located there, ranging from the historian Mike Wallace to the historian Kenneth Jackson.

The narration, read by the actor David Ogden Stiers ( "M*A*S*H") in the urgent, punctuated tone of an old-fashioned wartime newsreel, is writerly, perhaps too writerly. (He evokes New York as a city "at once bewilderingly diverse and cosmopolitan ? and yet in many ways, surprisingly insular and inward-looking ? as if the process of globalization had mainly meant gathering in the world's peoples and riches ? without involvement in the world's deep conflicts and divisions.")

This is, after all, a film with a wealth of potent visual images, including film of New Yorkers in 1974 staring up in shock and disbelief at the French artist Philippe Petit as he pranced nimbly across a high wire between the two 110-story towers, and later, crowds staring in shock and disbelief as people threw themselves out the windows of those same burning towers on Sept. 11.

The rise and fall of the World Trade Center is the finale of an eight-part historical saga, "New York: A Documentary Film," that Mr. Burns began in 1999. It provides intelligent insights and incomparable images. Perhaps fittingly, however, it suffers from the same hubris as the power brokers who in the 1970's imposed the World Trade Center on an unwilling public and an unresponsive real-estate market.

"The Center of the World" is too much, too late.

DC 9/11: Time of Crisis

Showtime, Sunday night at 8, Eastern and Pacific times; 7, Central time

Written by Lionel Chetwynd; directed by Brian Trenchard-Smith; director of photography, Ousama Rawi; edited by John Lafferty; production designer, Bill Fleming; music by Lawrence Shragge; costumes designed by Ruth Secord; executive producer, Robert Halmi Sr.; co-produced by John Vasey; produced by Armand Leo and Mr. Chetwynd. A production of Showtime Networks Inc.

WITH: Timothy Bottoms (George W. Bush), John Cunningham (Donald H. Rumsfeld), David Fonteno (Colin L. Powell), Gregory Itzin (John Ashcroft), Penny Johnson Jerald (Condoleezza Rice), Stephen Macht (Paul Wolfowitz), Mary Gordon Murray (Laura Bush), Lawrence Pressman (Dick Cheney), Gerry Mendicino (George Tenet) and Scott Alan Smith (Ari Fleischer).

AMERICAN EXPERIENCE
The Center of the World, Episode 8 of New York: A Documentary Film

On most PBS stations Monday night (check local listings).

Directed by Ric Burns; written by James Sanders and Mr. Burns; narrated by David Ogden Stiers; executive producers, Mr. Burns and Donald Rosenfeld; produced by Marilyn Ness and Mr. Burns; series executive producer, Mark Samels. Produced by Steeplechase Films, in association with WGBH Boston, Thirteen/WNET and the New-York Historical Society.

nytimes.com