To: JohnM who wrote (46799 ) 5/26/2004 1:56:26 AM From: frankw1900 Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 793926 Marxism is about class inequality, not gender, not race, not ethnicity. What conservatives call 'cultural marxism' is what they see as application of the form of the romantic argument about "class inequality" to gender, race, etc. They think it's a sign of vapidly uncritical thinking. A better description of PCness, right now - it varies with time and place - is the widespread adoption of the viewpoint of the weaker, whoever that might be, to the exclusion of the wider description of the relation between weak and strong. In organizations this can cause weirdness of a high order, as it does in personal relations. More generally, any side of a relation can be confounded when their status as moral actor, or foundations of their ethical standpoint, are eliminated. Their response, once they catch on to the rhetorical trick is unlikely to be charitable. ("Fool me once...."). Thus the fierceness of some feminists I knew years ago. Thus the fierceness of some conservative men these days. Thus the exploitive behaviour of some quasi-insightful students in colleges as they try to use sex or racial characteristic as a means to gain various kinds of advantage. Widening the description further, there are serious international repercussions when political actors, or whole populations, will only present the ethical standing of one side in a relation. Confoundedness is a result. Noodling a bit: There was an interesting article posted here the last few days about loss of multi-member electoral districts (in Illinois, I think). This it's argued has lead to less micro causcasing and consultation and more polarization, resentment, and fixed positions in the capital and more incendiary political language. If large numbers of folk in a district never see candidates they support elected then they think their interests are not represented, their voices not heard. This is worsened as information technology allows extreme gerrymandering in favour of incumbents. Thus in some states Dems are always cut out and in others Reps always out. Political language becomes savage and almost automatic obstructionism the rule. What does it mean for the new Europe when bureaucrats have power over a very large range of human activity, as opposed to legislatures and individuals? How do people get their voices heard and what do the politicians, who have created such a situation, say? How is the loss of political headroom and the ensuing frustration deflected and exploited by the politicians? One response is to turn attention to the apparent cultural and ethical short comings exemplified in the activities of a powerful, but essentially unthreatening external actor by opposing them. It gives an otherwise unconvincing narrative verisimilitude. A similar trick is played by rulers of Middle Eastern countries who deny their citizens political headroom. I repeat: Any side of a relation can be confounded when their status as moral actor, or foundations of their ethical standpoint, are eliminated. Their response, once they catch on to the rhetorical trick is unlikely to be charitable. Probably not a good idea to run it past anyone, especially the powerful, too often. frank@lucyvanpelt.com