To: Taro who wrote (23399 ) 7/25/2005 4:46:34 AM From: GUSTAVE JAEGER Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 81013 The real reason behind the current terror spree (by Israeli Mossad):Israel is still blocking the road to peaceBy Henry Siegman International Herald Tribune MONDAY, JULY 25, 2005 NEW YORK In her latest visit to Israel, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice sought to diffuse the crisis created by the failure of Israel to coordinate its imminent withdrawal from Gaza with Palestinian leadership. With less than four weeks to go, not one of the issues that will determine whether the pullout will be a success or a disaster has been resolved. But as important as it is for Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to coordinate the disengagement with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and for Abbas to finally confront Palestinian rejectionist groups, there is an even more important problem. That problem is Sharon's determination to use the withdrawal not as a precedent for a comprehensive land-for-peace accord but to make such an accord impossible. From the very outset of his announcement that Israel would disengage unilaterally from Gaza, Sharon made it clear he is doing so to avoid the "dangers" of a resumed peace process that would require Israel to withdraw from the West Bank. As his senior adviser and former chief of staff, Dov Weissglas, notoriously put it last year, the withdrawal was intended to put the road map, the peace process and a Palestinian state in "formaldehyde." On June 30, Sharon himself said that he would not be deterred by settler protests from completing the Gaza disengagement, since its purpose was to strengthen Israel's hold on the West Bank, a goal Sharon continues to share with the settlers, whom he described as "the cream of the Jewish people." The fundamental cause of the paralysis of the peace process even after the replacement of Yasser Arafat by Abbas is the fantasy entertained by Sharon and his government that they can require Palestinians to agree to a further truncation of the shrunken territory Palestinians have been left with - the 22 percent of pre-1948 Palestine that lies east of the pre-1967 border - as a condition for a return to peace talks. It is a condition that continues to delay the resumption of a political process, enabling Sharon to continue to create new "facts on the ground," which he is doing despite the informal ceasefire, and despite George W. Bush's insistence that the road map, which forbids such activities, must be observed by Israel as well as the Palestinians. Sharon has continued the expansion of Jewish settlements on Palestinian land, the planning of massive housing projects that will remove the option of locating the capital of a Palestinian state in East Jerusalem, and the enlargement of a vast infrastructure in the West Bank for the use of Jewish settlers only, creating isolated Palestinian enclaves that make a mockery of the two-state solution. The individual responsible for the intellectual grounding of the unilateral disengagement from Gaza is General Eival Giladi, formerly the head of the Strategic Planning Unit of the Israeli Defense Force and now the director of the Strategic Coordination Unit for the withdrawal in the prime minister's office. Giladi recently explained on Israeli television why Israel "has no choice" but to act unilaterally. It is, he said, because the Palestinian leadership was not in the past, under Arafat, and is not now, under Mahmoud Abbas, "ripe" for a true peace process. For Giladi, as for Sharon, "ripeness" is a euphemism for an Israeli determination to deal only with a Palestinian leadership that accepts Israel's map of a new Palestinian state. This is consistent with the observation made in 2003 by the IDF's former chief of staff, Moshe Yaalon, that a successful negotiation with the Palestinians could begin only after Israel had "seared deep into the consciousness of Palestinians that they are a defeated people." Sharon has dismissed Abbas as a "weak" leader with whom Israel cannot do business. But Abbas's "weakness" is in large part the consequence of his opposition to Palestinian violence and terror. Had Sharon implemented the requirements of the road map and proved Abbas right in his insistence that Palestinians can make progress toward their national goal only by political means, Abbas would have been seen as a strong leader. Instead, Sharon ignored the road map and betrayed his promise to relieve the misery of Palestinians under Israel's occupation. He has left virtually all of the checkpoints and roadblocks in place, and deeply disappointed Palestinian expectations for significant releases of prisoners being held in Israeli jails. These disappointments assured the outcome Sharon wanted - the discrediting of Abbas within the Palestinian community and the postponement of even the prospect of a return to peace negotiations to a distant future. As indicated by Rice's statement in Israel that Sharon must immediately follow the withdrawal from Gaza with a return to the road map and further withdrawals from the West Bank, Washington is not unaware of or indifferent to Sharon's intentions. What is not clear is whether, when the time comes, it will back up its rhetorical admonitions with real action. (Henry Siegman, a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, is a former executive head of the American Jewish Congress.) iht.com